The ceasefire agreement was signed in 1997 and a peace process has begun. In 2003, Atal Bihari Vajpayee went to Nagaland as Prime Minister. His visit created goodwill for the peace process. Vajpayee won hearts by starting his speech in the national language and praising Nagaland`s “unique history” and the contribution of the Naga people at crucial moments in the Indo-Chinese War of 1962 and the Indo-Pakistani wars of 1965, 1971 and 1999. The agreement published by the NSCN-IM states that “sovereign power is shared” and that it provides for a “new enduring relationship, including a new relationship of peaceful coexistence between the two entities.” As of October 2020, the final agreement did not take place and differences arose as a result of the NSCN(IM) requirement for a special flag, constitution and greater nagalim, which are delaying and tiring the discussion process. The NSCN requested that the Centre commit to ensuring that the Framework Agreement in its original form is still alive and is “treated by someone else as RN Ravi”, sensitive enough to understand and respect what has been achieved over the past 23 years. The deal, described as “historic” by Prime Minister Modi, was signed after more than 80 roundtables between the government and different interest groups, but the exact details of the deal were not disclosed. In a statement after the agreement was signed, the government said it had “recognized the unique history, culture and position of the Nagas and their feelings and aspirations. The NSCN understood and appreciated India`s political system and governance. Peace talks were due to be finalized this year, but things have taken a different turn than interlocutor Ravi, who also serves as governor of Nagaland, joked in the ranks of the NSCN (I-M) last June, calling them “armed gangs” that question the legitimacy of the government. To add salt to the wound, he ordered all government employees to disclose the names of their relatives who were members of clandestine groups, provoking anger among the Nagas. The die was finally cast when, in his Independence Day speech, the governor attacked the land government, where the BJP is a partner, and said it had “the dubious price of the country`s worst-performing state, including the Northeast region, in almost all important indicators of human development.” He added that there was chaos and miscarriages of dreams and expectations of the people of Nagaland, which is “intolerable and unacceptable”.
Five years have already passed since 2015 and most Naga groups are also generally tired from the long discussions. Take better what is offered has become their mantra and do not aspire to what cannot be granted. The Indian government recognized the sovereignty of the Nagas through the framework agreement and was signed after more than 80 round tables. But the details of the deal have not even been made available to Parliament. After a few years of insurgency, the central government rappeled down the army to contain the Naga rebels. In 1958, Parliament passed the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) to give more powers to the armed forces. However, it is unlikely that the NSCN IM group will make extensive use of funds, given that they do not have a fighting team after the 1997 ceasefire agreement. The political mentality of the state has changed a lot and support for Muivah has shone over the years in Nagaland.
The Wire read the message behind the NSCN`s (I-M) continuous statements, which were specifically aimed at Ravi, while praising Modi`s leadership, thus separating him (as well as the government) from Ravi (mainly in the 3 August organization`s press note, to mark five years of the FA`s signing in 2015), The Wire said in an August 3 report that the organization could seek a change of interlocutor. In this press release, the group requested Modi`s intervention in this matter. . . .